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Reminiscence Politics in Dnipropetrovsk, 1991–2015

This can be a preprint extract from Ukraine’s Outpost: Dnipropetrovsk and the Russian-Ukrainian Struggle, edited by Taras Kuzio, Sergei I. Zhuk And Paul D’Anieri. A free model of the guide is on the market from E-International Relations

This chapter is the primary scholarly examine of reminiscence politics in Dnipropetrovsk between 1991 and the 2013–2014 Euromaidan Revolution. The Russian-speaking metropolis of Dnipropetrovsk has been historically considered as pro-Russian whereas on the identical time, outcomes from elections over this era present a gradual however regular enhance within the share of votes gained by pro-European events. Reminiscence politics and de-Sovietisation performed an necessary position within the decline of pro-Russian political forces in Dnipropetrovsk. On this chapter, historic reminiscence is outlined because the interplay of household and public reminiscence. Household reminiscence is transmitted primarily within the type of conventional tales and folklore from the older era to youth, not essentially inside one household. This kind of reminiscence might be learnt from the expertise of the older era who’re recognised as an authority by the recipient.

Professional-Ukrainian and pro-Russian actors customary reminiscence politics in Dnipropetrovsk. Every of them has its personal imaginative and prescient of what constitutes reminiscence. These thought-about pro-Ukrainian have been liberal and conservative whereas pro-Russian actors have been nostalgic for the Tsarist Russian Empire and Soviet period. Scholarly analysis has analysed how every of the 2 teams interpreted three key historic durations: the Cossack period, Tsarist Russian Empire and Soviet Union. In analysing pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian reminiscence politics it is very important herald insurance policies by state and native authorities.

Scholarly Analysis on Reminiscence Politics in Dnipropetrovsk

Since 1991, reminiscence politics in Dnipropetrovsk has been a uncared for subject of educational analysis. Regardless of the significance of Dnipropetrovsk to Soviet and Ukrainian politics, students have largely ignored the town and area, preferring as a substitute to deal with the Lviv-Kyiv-Donetsk axis. Among the many few exceptions is the collective monograph Historic reminiscence of the Dnipropetrovsk area which features a chapter dedicated to reminiscence politics undertaken by the regional authorities through the celebrations of the seventy fifth and eightieth anniversaries of the area, in addition to the actions of establishments such because the Dmytro Yavornytskyy Dnipropetrovsk Nationwide Museum. One other chapter analysed the transformation of historic reminiscence within the area by the event of historic and native lore (Svitlenko 2012, 344–427).

An attention-grabbing evaluation of various approaches to the issue of the emergence of the town was offered by Andrii and Tetiana Portnova (2015, 223–250). They outlined the principle approaches to the founding of the town of Dnipropetrovsk inside the ‘imperial’ paradigm, noting that typologically, celebration of the town’s a centesimal anniversary in 1878 and the town’s 2 hundredth anniversary in 1976 have been very comparable. Their principle is predicated on the concept of Russia’s civilising position for the area. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, some historians in Dnipropetrovsk started to substantiate the concept of the emergence of the town from settlements within the Cossack period, an strategy geared toward trying to find a Ukrainian id for the town.

Reminiscence politics in Dnipropetrovsk was analysed in Politics and Reminiscence. Dnipro – Zaporizhzhya – Odesa – Kharkiv. From the Nineteen Nineties to the current by a number of authors, together with myself (Kasianov 2018, 20–21, 39, 54–56, 67–68, 78–79, 84–85, 87, 94–95, 100–101, 108–110, 133–135, 138–140, 202–219). This detailed examine recognized the principle contours of reminiscence insurance policies undertaken by the authorities and public figures throughout historic occasions. The fabric on every of the cities is split into sections, with authors analysing the ‘myths of the muse,’ the Tsarist Russian Empire in reminiscence politics and reminiscence politics within the twentieth century. The examine (Kasianov 2018) analyses competitors between Cossack and imperial myths of Dnipropetrovsk’s emergence, unsure perceptions within the nineteenth century and controversial approaches to occasions in Soviet historical past. The authors emphasise that controversy is inherent in all areas of Ukrainian reminiscence politics, with a particular deal with the interval after World Struggle II when the town was closed to foreigners and have become the centre of Soviet nuclear missile manufacturing. Textbooks on the historical past of the area describe the post-Soviet period as a interval of prosperity. The second a part of the examine is dedicated to evaluation of public opinion polls carried out in 2013 and 2015 in a number of Ukrainian cities, together with Dnipropetrovsk, which confirmed attitudes to Ukrainian historical past and memorialisation of historical past in public areas. The examine included a number of interviews with Dnipropetrovsk residents from completely different generations who outlined their notion of the town and reminiscence politics.  Researchers have discovered that probably the most dramatic historic occasion within the metropolis is World Struggle II.

Perceptions of Historic Reminiscence in Dnipropetrovsk

To grasp the mechanisms of reminiscence politics in Dnipropetrovsk one should first analyse the perceptions of its residents concerning the historical past of their area.  Generally, there are two photographs of the previous, Cossack and Tsarist Russian imperial with Soviet reminiscence divided into a number of parts.

If we focus on oral traditions, the Cossack previous continues to be developed by two varieties of legends, household by ancestors of Cossacks, and toponymic, by the origin of names related to occasions or figures from the Cossack period. The Tsarist Russian imperial period is represented considerably extra broadly. There may be additionally a dwelling custom; for instance, legends about landlords and their affect (each adverse and optimistic) on the lifetime of a selected village.

Reminiscence politics of the Soviet period could be very completely different when it comes to how it’s evaluated and really a lot dependent upon a household’s expertise of the communist system. The important thing historic moments are in 1917–1921; the Holodomor, collectivisation, and political repression; and the Second World Struggle. Reminiscence politics of the post-Stalin period is split into when the USSR was led by Nikita Khrushchev (1953–1964), Leonid Brezhnev (1964–1982) or Mikhail Gorbachev (1985–1991). Right here, to a sure extent, we discover a public notion that through the second half of the 20 th century there was a gradual enchancment of requirements of dwelling, a fantasy of a ‘golden age’ within the Nineteen Seventies and deterioration of dwelling requirements within the second half of the Nineteen Eighties.

One other strategy to the interpretation of historic reminiscence in Dnipropetrovsk is by dividing public opinion into on the one hand pro-Ukrainian (each conservative and liberal) and on the opposite, pro-Russian Imperial and Soviet. Regardless of the existence of sure variations inside these two massive teams (pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian Imperial and Soviet), they’re fairly clear in how they establish themselves when discussing with the competing ‘Different.’

Now allow us to try and instrumentalise the historical past of these two teams. There’s a sure consensus between them in recognising the Cossack period. On the identical time, these with a pro-Ukrainian id emphasise the place of Cossacks of their historic reminiscence whereas these holding a extra Imperial and Soviet id usually show, with sure exceptions, an ignorance about them (which is mentioned beneath).

Curiosity in Cossacks had at all times existed within the area; Ukrainian Communist chief Petro Shelest had praised them in his 1970 guide Ukrayina nasha radyanska (Ukraine. Our Soviet Land) for which he was accused of ‘nationwide deviationism’ and eliminated two years later (Tillett 1975). It was not stunning that curiosity in Cossack historical past was revived within the late Gorbachev period through the uncovering of ‘clean spots’ in Ukrainian historical past. This got here to the fore in 1990 through the five hundredth anniversary of the formation of Ukrainian Cossacks when Dnipropetrovsk and Zaporizhhya hosted occasions which gathered upwards of 20,000 individuals from the area and guests, primarily from Western Ukraine and Kyiv. Rallies have been held and a monument to a younger Taras Shevchenko was unveiled. 

A putting occasion was the march by hundreds of individuals alongside the central avenue of Dnipropetrovsk to the D. Yavornytskyy Museum and a rally on the finish of the commemoration within the Taras Shevchenko Park. There have been minor skirmishes within the metropolis with Soviet veterans from the Afghanistan conflict who opposed the Ukrainian nationwide revival. This commemoration not solely revived and reclaimed the Cossack previous, but additionally different nationwide liberation struggles in 1917–1921 by the Ukrainian Individuals’s Republic (UNR) and within the Forties by the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Ukrainian Rebel Military (UPA).[1]

For the reason that early 1990’s the Dnipropetrovsk area has registered 49 so-called ‘Cossack’ pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian Cossack organisations. Most of them have been curiosity golf equipment who sometimes collect a small variety of their members and undertake respectable actions. Kodak Palanka of the Zaporizhzhyan Cossack Military, which stands out among the many pro-Ukrainian organisations, repeatedly participates within the ‘Sokil-Yura’ regional competitors, has defended a faculty playground from unlawful development, created a 400-strong Maidan self-defence group, and defended state buildings in Dnipropetrovsk in spring of 2014 from their take-over by Get together of Areas and pro-Russian vigilantes.[2]

Essentially the most profitable pro-Russian Cossack organisation is the Ekaterinoslav Cossack District, ideologically based mostly on the not so traditionally necessary Ekaterinoslav Cossack military which fought for the Tsarist Russian Empire. They strongly assist the idea of the Russian World and have organised processions with the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine in honour of navy victories by the Tsarist Russian Empire. They established a Cadet Corps for younger Cossacks and organised visits by Cossacks from Russia. Since 2014, they’ve been not surprisingly inactive.[3]

Cossack organisations in Dnipropetrovsk historically have fun the Intercession, the Day of Remembrance of Hetman Ivan Sirko on 14 October. In 2000–2010, the Samarska Pokrova pageant befell on the territory of the Outdated Samara fortress (situated within the fashionable village of Shevchenko in Dnipropetrovsk). On 1–2 August, commemorations of Hetman Sirko are historically held at his gravesite within the village of Kapulivka. Throughout celebrations previous to 2014, there have been usually conflicts between pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian Cossack organisations, with the latter supported by the authorities throughout Viktor Yanukovych’s presidency (2010–2014).[4] 

Competitors Over Who Based Dnipropetrovsk

One of many necessary areas of battle between pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian Imperial and Soviet reminiscence politics is the founding of the town of Dnipropetrovsk.  The 12 months 1776 was celebrated by the Soviet regime within the Nineteen Seventies as a manner of intentionally coinciding with the seventieth anniversary of Brezhnev’s delivery. This changed the beforehand dominant date of the founding of Dnipropetrovsk through the go to of Tsarist Empress Catherine II in 1787 which was historically utilized by historiography as the town’s basis 12 months. For the reason that Nineteen Nineties, makes an attempt have been made to revise these Tsarist and Soviet dates and, extra importantly the context by increasing dialogue into the media. Within the Nineteen Nineties, probably the most distinguished scholar who repeatedly addressed this matter was Yuriy Mitsik who argued that the historical past of the town must be dated earlier from the development of the Cossack Kodak Fortress in 1635.[5]

Dialogue concerning the origins of the town of Dnipropetrovsk intensified following the 2004 Orange Revolution when a number of civic organisations and educational centres (e.g., Institute of Ukrainian Research, Institute of Social Analysis), appealed to students and native historians to start analysis into the Cossack period basis of Dnipropetrovsk. Primarily based on the monograph Palimpsest: settlements of the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries within the historical past of Dnipropetrovsk, they launched a public marketing campaign to redefine the origins of Dnipropetrovsk by proposing 1645 as its founding 12 months. Press conferences in Dnipropetrovsk and Kyiv, spherical tables, petitions to the town’s mayor, billboards on streets, and the unveiling of a memorial on the territory of Novyy Kodak have been used to popularise the Ukrainian declare to having established the settlement of Dnipropetrovsk.

Town authorities moved in the direction of the Ukrainian declare to having based Dnipropetrovsk by symbolically recognising the Cossack element of the historical past of Dnipropetrovsk by naming one of many streets within the centre of the town of Polovytska in honour of the settlement of Polovytsya established round 1743. Apparently, the names of districts inside Dnipropetrovsk, akin to Mandrykivka, Diyivka, Kamyanka, and others are linked to Ukraine’s Cossack previous. The most important revival of Cossack historic names befell through the means of decommunisation in 2015–2018 which is analysed within the subsequent chapter by Kocherhin (see Repan 2007).[6]

Professional-Russian Imperial and Soviet reminiscence politics on the founding of Dnipropetrovsk is weakly endowed with scholarly assist; nonetheless, it was dominant among the many metropolis’s political elites previous to the 2014 disaster. The Historical past of the Metropolis of Dnepropetrovsk, which was commissioned by the Metropolis’s Council, makes use of 1776 because the date of the founding of Dnipropetrovsk which influences the town’s annual Day of the Metropolis vacation and the celebration of different anniversaries. Even between 2014–2015, through the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, social promoting was embellished within the metropolis centre with the muse 12 months of 1776 – supposedly to advertise native unity within the face of the menace from international invasion (Bolebrukh 2006).

On the coronary heart of the pro-Russian Imperial strategy is a thesis of the civilising affect of the Tsarist Russian Empire on the event of the Dnipropetrovsk area.  Tsarina Catherine II and Prince Potemkin allegedly aimed to style Katerynoslav into the third capital of the Tsarist Russian Empire. Within the Nineteen Nineties, this thesis was used to justify the uniqueness of Dnipropetrovsk. The costumed characters of Tsarina Catherine II and her favorite courtiers participated within the Day of the Metropolis celebrations and have been aired in tv commercials. Native businessman Hennadiy Balashov named his chain of ‘Moskva’ outlets after figures from the Tsarist Empire, akin to Katerininsky, Potemkin, Orlovsky and others. These outlets have been a part of the town panorama for an extended time frame.[7]

In 2005–2006, following the Orange Revolution, a heated debate broke out within the native media over the erection of recent monuments. Makes an attempt to erect monuments to Tsarina Catherine II have been profitable in a number of Ukrainian cities and in Dnipropetrovsk there was an initiative to put in a monument to her subsequent to the constructing of the Central Cathedral of the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine. The pinnacle of the Dnipropetrovsk state administration Yuriy Yekhanurov, appointed by President Viktor Yushchenko, was against this proposal, arguing it represented homage to the Tsarist Empire and demanded an finish to its development. Supporters of the pro-Russian Imperial strategy to reminiscence politics actively promoted ‘St. Catherine’ by making an attempt to offer the Empress with a saintly picture.[8]

The significance of the mythology about Tsarina Catherine II was demonstrated through the 2012 go to of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s political technologist Konstantyn Zatulin, who was accompanied by a staff of historians and a movie crew from the Russian Kultura tv channel to Dnipropetrovsk and different cities in Japanese-Southern Ukraine. The go to was to mark the 225th anniversary of the so-called ‘Nice Journey’ of Tsarina Catherine II and to advertise her reminiscence as that of a ‘civilising mission’ into so-called ‘wild lands.’ The Get together of Areas organised a number of supporting occasions in Dnipropetrovsk oblast library, promotions within the media, and displays by Get together of Areas deputy Oleh Tsarev (who within the 2014 disaster grew to become a separatist chief).  Subsequently revealed Russian media experiences and pseudo-academic work by Russian historians have been of low scholarly high quality, primarily consisting of disinformation concerning the lifetime of ‘Russians’ dwelling in Dnipropetrovsk.[9] This view of ‘Russians’ inhabiting Japanese-Southern Ukraine had already been propagated by Putin in 2008 to a NATO viewers.[10]

Not all historic figures have been unacceptable within the competitors over the origins and id of Dnipropetrovsk.  Two historic figures, Dmytro Yavornytskyy and Olexandr Pol, have been acceptable to pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian Imperial and Soviet reminiscence politics of Dnipropetrovsk. They have been each represented within the public area with monuments. Through the decommunisation course of the central avenue of Dnipropetrovsk was renamed after Yavornytskyy whereas a big avenue on the suitable financial institution of the town was named after Pol. In addition to a monument to him as a historian on Dnipropetrovsk’s central avenue the town’s Historic Museum additionally bears his identify.[11]

Yavornytskyy glad supporters of the pro-Ukrainian interpretation of Dnipropetrovsk historical past as a result of he was a populariser of Cossacks, an archaeologist, and activist of the Ukrainian cultural organisation Prosvita. His work made him a legendary determine throughout his lifetime and following his dying, optimistic reminiscences have been revealed of Yavornytskyy which have been included into the town’s folklore. Consequently, his legacy didn’t provoke opposition from civic teams. 

Pol’s reminiscence was revived after it had been banned within the Soviet period. Within the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Pol was influential as a historian who imbued a self-confident id to Dnipropetrovsk. Pol was historically supported by these holding a pro-Russian Imperial id of Dnipropetrovsk as a result of he was an aristocrat, had taken half within the Zemstvo motion, and actively lobbied for the development of a railway by Ekaterinoslav which had assisted the event of the area’s metallurgical business. On the identical time, he was favourably obtained by these upholding a pro-Ukrainian id of Dnipropetrovsk as a result of he recognized himself as a ‘Little Russian’ with Cossack ancestry and since he was inquisitive about Ukrainian ethnography. Pol’s reminiscence was revived by many newspaper articles, publication of a monograph and a well-liked scholarly guide, opening of a monument to him close to the Metropolis Council’s constructing, and the re-naming of a avenue after him. In 2020 on the initiative of Dnipro Mayor Boris Filatov his anniversary was honoured in official ceremonies (Kocherhin 2002; Platonov 2002).

Ukrainian Nationwide Liberation Battle in Dnipropetrovsk Reminiscence Politics

The 1917–1921 nationwide liberation battle was not actively debated in Dnipropetrovsk through the first 20 years of Ukrainian independence. Dnipropetrovsk inherited avenue names which commemorated the Soviet interpretation of the ‘Russian civil conflict,’ such because the plaque on the Holovposhti (Predominant Submit Workplace) which commemorated the Bolshevik victory in opposition to ‘counter-revolutionaries.’ 

Previous to, and particularly since 2014, there have been makes an attempt to rethink the 1917–1921 interval of Ukrainian historical past. A crucifix was put in on the burial place of UNR troopers on Zhovtnevyy (re-named Sobornyy) Sq. within the higher a part of the town of Dnipro. Initially, the town authorities didn’t permit the set up of the crucifix memorial and dismantled it, but it surely was changed by a stone cross unveiled by Mayor Filatov.[12] Different memorials to UNR officers put in by civic activists have been unveiled within the villages of Dniprovokamyanka (Spyrydon Tropko) and Verkhnodniprovsk (Nykyfor Avramenko).[13]

Reviving the reminiscence of anarchist chief Nestor Makhno was much less problematical. Within the Dnipropetrovsk and Zaporizhhya areas many legends about Makhno continued to stick with one of the crucial frequent being his mistress had lived ‘in our village.’ A memorial plaque was erected on the Ukrayina Resort the place Makhno established his headquarters throughout his occupation of Katerynoslav. A Makhno Public Bar additionally operates on a avenue within the centre of Dnipro. A monument to Makhno was erected in Nikopol.[14]

Different methods through which historic reminiscence has been revived is thru the romanticisation of the 1917–1921 Ukrainian nationwide revolution by the songs of the Dnipro Vertep (travelling drama theatre). The ‘ultras’ (soccer membership extremists) of the Kryvyy Rih soccer membership Kryvbas are keen on the UNR Hetman Kost Pestushko who was one of the crucial ardent anti-Bolshevik leaders within the Dnipropetrovsk area.[15]

The Holodomor was denied by the Soviet regime till 1990. Information concerning the Holodomor was revived through the Gorbachev period’s unveiling of clean spots in historical past and naturally from 1991 in impartial Ukraine. President Viktor Yushchenko devoted a great deal of consideration to reviving reminiscence of the Holodomor and mobilised a world marketing campaign to influence governments it constituted a genocide in opposition to Ukrainians. A memorial to the victims of the Holodomor in Dnipropetrovsk was unveiled in 2008.[16] Yanukovych’s presidency adopted a Russophile stance on the 1933 famine as an all-Soviet tragedy (not a Ukrainian genocide) resulting in a decline in curiosity within the Holodomor by state establishments. Within the public area the Holodomor continued to be of curiosity to civic teams and students. 

Nice Patriotic Struggle and World Struggle II

In 2000–2010, probably the most heated discussions in reminiscence politics handled the parable of the Nice Patriotic Struggle and OUN and UPA. Dnipropetrovsk had many Soviet memorial plaques and monuments upholding the Soviet fantasy of the Nice Patriotic Struggle.  Ukraine inherited celebrations of the Liberation Day of the town and Victory Day (9 Might). The Get together of Areas exported to Dnipropetrovsk the transformation in Putin’s Russia of the Nice Patriotic Struggle right into a quasi-religious cult and promotion of the St. George ribbon. This was particularly evident within the ‘Immortal Regiment’ of individuals marching on 9 Might with portraits of Soviet heroes from their households; in actuality, they have been usually academics and state officers ordered to attend. In 2013, the cult of Victory Day was promoted by an enormous injection of assets into the re-staging of the crossing of the Dnipro River in 1943 through the Nice Patriotic Struggle throughout which lots of of hundreds of Soviet troopers died.[17] In Might 2013, a march by pro-Ukrainian civic teams and activists was attacked by younger vigilantes from a sports activities membership funded by the Get together of Areas.[18]

Reminiscence politics geared toward honouring the reminiscence of OUN and UPA was systematic however gradual. The Dnipropetrovsk department of the Brotherhood of Troopers of UPA had operated because the Nineteen Nineties and public commemorations of UPA on 14 October have been repeatedly held. Publications within the mass media and scholarly conferences dedicated to the Ukrainian nationalist motion led to bitter debates within the metropolis. Supporters of the pro-Ukrainian reminiscence politics and nationalist teams publicised OUN and UPA by torchlight processions in Dnipropetrovsk. After 2014, ‘ultras,’ civic activists and patriots held portraits of OUN chief Stepan Bandera in marches to show their hostile attitudes to Putin and Russian navy aggression in opposition to Ukraine.[19]

Adverse attitudes in the direction of Ukrainian nationalism in response to Russian navy aggression waned and since 2014 extra Ukrainians have had a optimistic view of OUN and UPA (Oliinyk and Kuzio 2021, 831–832). An ethnic Russian preventing in Ukraine’s armed forces in contrast volunteers like himself with the volunteers who had joined OUN and UPA. Bandera had, Anatoliy Lebidyev believed, in the identical method as they have been, defended their very own land, seeing nationalism as ‘vaccine’ in opposition to genocide by Ukraine’s neighbours and believing that if there had been no nationalism in Western Ukraine there would have been ‘genocide’ in opposition to the native Ukrainian inhabitants (Reva 2020, 250).

Jewish Life in Dnipropetrovsk Reminiscence Politics

The Ukrainian Institute for Holocaust Research ‘Tkuma’ and the Museum of the Historical past of the Jewish Individuals and the Holocaust in Ukraine, each situated within the metropolis of Dnipro, have been created, and headed by historian and creator of college textbooks Ihor Shchupak (see the chapter by Ishchenko). They grew to become a public platform which offered an alternative for dialogue and presentation for supporters of each the liberal and conservative wings of pro-Ukrainian reminiscence politics. Their premises have been utilized by the Dnipro Historic Membership[20] which repeatedly invited Ukrainian historians, akin to Vladyslav Hrynevych, Volodymyr Vyatrovych, Ivan Patrylyak, Yaroslav Hrytsak, Paul R. Magocsi, Sergei Zhuk and Timothy Snyder. The contents of their lectures expanded mentioned of Ukrainian historical past within the native media.[21]

The museum’s exposition offered supplies which demonstrated a reasonable stance in the direction of Ukrainian nationalism whereas in search of to advance understanding between Jews, who had no love for the USSR, and Ukrainian patriots. The exhibition included examples of cooperation between the OUN and Jewish neighborhood throughout World Struggle II, participation of Ukrainian nationalists within the Holocaust, rescuing of Jews by Ukrainian nationalists and participation of Jews within the UPA. 

The museum exhibition presents way over the Holocaust with guests experiencing the Jewish world of Ukraine which preceded the Shoah. The museum doesn’t try to indicate the historical past of the Jews in an unblemished method, and they’re represented as each victims and perpetrators.  Ukrainians are equally offered not as one homogenous group of murderers or patriots, however as both participant, detached to what’s going down round them, and rescuers within the Holocaust. It’s noteworthy the museum’s exposition presents the tragedies of a broader variety of peoples who embody Armenians, Chechens, and Crimean Tatars who’ve additionally suffered genocides.[22]

Euromaidan Revolution and Russian-Ukrainian Struggle

Historic debates over reminiscence politics subsided through the Euromaidan Revolution. The exception was how the greeting ‘Glory to Ukraine! Glory to its heroes!’ grew to become in style at the moment. Dnipropetrovsk skilled its personal Maidan which was savagely attacked by Get together of Areas vigilantes in January 2014.

After Yanukovych fled from workplace in February 2014, the state of affairs within the metropolis grew to become precarious. At a time when there have been demoralised and paralysed state buildings, following the disintegration of the Get together of Areas, the vacuum was stuffed by Euromaidan Revolution supporters and Ukrainian patriots. On a symbolic degree, the elimination of the massive Vladimir Lenin monument within the central sq. of Dnipropetrovsk was an early symbolic victory. Its elimination over eight hours was broadcast dwell by a number of native tv channels.[23] 

St. George’s ribbons have been worn by supporters of the anti-Maidan and Get together of Areas vigilantes. Annual 9 Might Victory Day celebrations usually skilled fierce confrontations between these holding a pro-Russian Imperial and Soviet id who insisted on the suitable to put on the St. George’s ribbon and people holding a pro-Ukrainian id who interpreted the ribbon as a logo of the Russian World and Russian navy aggression in opposition to Ukraine. In 2015, after the adoption of 4 decommunisation legal guidelines, poppies dominated the general public area in Dnipropetrovsk and a much smaller variety of supporters of the Opposition Bloc (certainly one of two successor events to the Get together of Areas) continued to put on the St. George ribbon. In 2017, and due to this fact past the scope of this chapter, Ukraine’s solely exposition devoted to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the Museum of the ATO[24], was opened in Dnipro.[25]


In 1991–2015, reminiscence politics in Dnipropetrovsk resembled that discovered on the nationwide degree, however with some native variations as reminiscence politics in Dnipropetrovsk have been usually inconsistent and schizophrenic previous to the Orange Revolution.  Yushchenko’s presidency formally promoted the Holodomorand a pantheon of heroes of Ukrainian nationalism. Yanukovych’s presidency tried to undertake a counter-revolution in opposition to pro-Ukrainian reminiscence politics and imported approaches to the 1933 famine and quasi-religious cult of the Nice Patriotic Struggle propagated in Putin’s Russia.

Yanukovych and the Get together of Areas constructed on pre-existing Soviet reminiscence politics. Submit-Soviet native elites in Dnipropetrovsk had tolerated the Cossack previous of the area however strongly objected to reminiscence politics of the UNR and particularly OUN, which had operated a sizeable underground within the metropolis throughout World Struggle II. The one vital occasion which was firmly entrenched within the public area was the Holodomor due to assist given by the central authorities coupled with a robust reminiscence of the tragedy which had survived in native household historical past. 

Elementary modifications occurred in response to the victory of the Euromaidan Revolution, 2014 disaster and Russian navy aggression. Previous to then there had been a gradual development in pro-European and Ukrainian patriotism and people holding this id got here to energy in 2014. This was mockingly personified in Deputy Governor and (from 2015) Mayor Filatov, Governor Ihor Kolomoyskyy and Deputy Governor Hennadiy Korban, an ethnic Russian and two Jewish-Ukrainians respectively, main the counter-offensive in opposition to pro-Russian forces and Russian navy aggression. Their assist made Dnipropetrovsk and Dnipro probably the most radical implementor of decommunisation in Japanese-Southern Ukraine.

The roots of the gradual change in electoral sentiment and coming to energy of pro-Ukrainian forces is to be discovered within the revision and de-Sovietising of id and promotion of pro-Ukrainian reminiscence politics which had taken place since 1991. Different necessary components have been a pluralistic strategy to the Ukrainian previous (not like in neighbouring Donbas), variety of activists and students working within the subject of reminiscence politics and official assist given to a pro-Ukrainian id by authorities establishments.

Supporters of Soviet reminiscence politics have been clearly at a drawback through the bulk of the interval from 1991–2013, besides throughout Yanukovych’s presidency, and have been fully defeated in 2014–2015. The smaller affect of pro-Russian reminiscence politics is defined by two components. Firstly, their actions have been to an ideal extent impressed by exterior assist by funding from the Russian World Basis or the Donetsk-based Get together of Areas, slightly than from native assist. Secondly, their actions most frequently relied on the assist of state establishments (akin to throughout Yanukovych’s presidency) or the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine — slightly than from native civil society.


Bolebrukh, Anatoliy. ed., (2006). Istoriya mista Dnipropetrovska, Dnipropetrovsk: Grani.

Kasianov, Heorhiy ed., (2018). Polityka i Pammyat. Dnipro – Zaporizhzhya – Odesa – Kharkiv. Vid 1990-x do syohodni, Lviv: FOP Shumylovych.

Kocherhin, Ihor. (2002). Oleksandr Pol: mrii, spravy, spadshchyna, Dnipropetrovsk: NHA.

Platonov, V. (2002). Chelovek-legenda: Aleksandr Pol, Dnipropetrovsk: Prospekt.

Portnov, Andriy and Portnova, Tetiana. (2015). ‘The ‘Imperial’ and the ‘Cossack’ within the Semiotics of Ekaterinoslav-Dnipropetrovsk: The Controversies of the Basis Fable,’ In: Igor Pilshchikov, ed., City Semiotics: The Metropolis as a Cultural- Historic Phenomenon, Tallinn: TLU Press, 223–250.

Repan, Oleh. (2007). Valentyn Starostin and Olexandr Xarlan, Palimpsest poselennya XVI–XVIII st. v istoriyi Dnipropetrovska, Kyiv: Ukrayinski propiley.

Svitlenko, Serhiy. eds., (2012). Istorychna pamyat Dnipropetrovshchyny, Dnipropetrovsk: Monolyt.

Tillett, Lowell. (1975). ‘Ukrainian Nationalism and the Fall of Shelest,’ Slavic Evaluation, 34, 4: 752–768.


[1] Mykhaylo Tverdokhlib, Ukrayina vidznachaye 500-richchya ukrayinskoho kozastva.’, and ‘Yak nad Dnipropetrovskom vpershe derzhavnyy prapor pidiymaly,’

[2] ‘Kodaska palanka viyska Zaporozkoho nyzovoho.’; ‘Kozaski orhanizacii Dnipropetrovshhyny.’; Hlib Pryhunov, ‘Kozastvo Ukrayiny – slava Ukrayiny,’ Vidomosti, 11 October 2006; ‘Samarska pokrova,’; ‘U Dnipropetrovsku vyrishyly pidtrymaty kozastvo.’

[3] ‘V Dnepropetrovskoj eparkhii proshly torzhestva, posvyashennye pobede nad Napoleonom,’ 21 July 2007.; Iryna Ehorova, ‘Pochemu vozrozhdenye kazachestva – myf?’; ‘Katerynoslavskoe kazachestvo otkryvaet novye stranyci ystoryy goroda.’; ‘Kozaski orhanizasii Dnipropetrovshhyny.’; ‘Po blahoslovenyyu pravyashheho arkhyereya v eparkhii proshly prazdnovaniya 222-letyya sozdaniya Ekaterynoslavskoho kazachestva.’; ‘Pryhunov H. Kozastvo Ukrayiny – slava Ukrayiny,’ Vidomosti, 11 October 2006; ‘Sostoyalos otkrytye pervogo na Ukraine kazaskoho kadetskoho korpusa,’ 6 September 2007,

[4] ‘V seli Kapulivka vidbulosya shchorichne vshanuvannya pamyati I. Sirka.’; Yuliya Zabyelina, ‘Kozaske svyato: hulyay, narode!’ Visti Prydniprovya, 9 August 2011; Alena Makarenko, ‘Den kazaskoj slavye u kurgana Syrko,’ 4 August 2009; Anatoliy Ovcharenko, ‘Chto ne mogut podelyt kazachi atamanye?’ Reporter, 10 August 2006.

[5] Ihor Kocherhin, ‘Pohlyad na deyaki aspekty rannoyi istoriyii mista.’

[6]‘Istoryky namahayutsya utochnyty daty zasnuvannya ukrayinskykh mist.’; ‘Katerynoslav? – Ni! Novyy Kodak!’; ‘Vidkryty lyst shchodo zasnuvannya m. Dnipropetrovska.’; ‘Mizh Polovytseyu ta Katerynoslavom.’; Polyn Iryna ‘Goroda kornevyshche,’ Dnepr vechernyj, 17 August 2003.

[7] Hennadyy Balashov, http://510.ukr/_party/leader.php; Borys Petrov, ‘Dnepropetrovsk – tretyj Rym?’ Dnepropetrovsk, 30 November 1995; ‘Pyyte Dnipropetrovske!’ Nashe misto, 18 October 2002.

[8] ‘V Dnepropetrovske prodolzhayutsya spory po povodu pamiatnyka svyatoj Ekateryne,’ 21 February 2006.; ‘Zvernennya hromadskosti m. Dniropetrovska z pryvodu vstanovlennya pamyatnyka Kateryni II,’

[9]‘Navyazlyva uvaha ‘russkoho myra’.’


[11] ‘Dnepropetrovsk. Prospekt Karla Marksa.’; ‘Memorialnyj budynok-muzej D. I. Yavornyskoho,’

[12] ‘U Dnipropetrovsku vkotre vidnovyly khrest na mohyli biytsiv UNR.’

[13] ‘Na Sicheslavshchyni vidkryly pamyatni znaky biytsyam armii UNR.’

[14] Anna Demyna, ‘Makhno v kamne,’ Nashe misto, 5 August 2009; ‘Dnepropetrovsk. Prospekt Karla Marksa.’; ‘Makhno-pab,’; Mykola Chaban ‘Yak «bratchyky» doshky vidkryvaly…’ Zorya, 25 January 2007; ‘Yak Makhno batkom stav.’

[15]   ‘Prezentasiya novoho muzychno-heroyichnoho albomu hurtu Vertep.’; ‘A chy znayete vy, shcho na prapori ultras Kryvbasvu?’

[16] Iryna Reva, ‘1932: molotom – po serpu!’ Dnepr vechernyj, 27 February 2007; ‘Yushchenko vidkryv Memoryal zhertvam Holodomoru.’

[17] Alexandr Belyj, ‘Ne dadym perepysat istoriyu,’ Dnepr vechernyj, 5 October 2012; ‘V Dnepropetrovske proshla mashtabnaya rekonstruktsiya forsyrovaniya Dnepra.’; ‘Kovtochok pravdy u mutnij void.’

[18] ‘Prymyrennya ne vsim do vpodoby.’

[19] ‘Banderivtsi na Dnipri.’; Serhiy Dovhal, ‘Dnepropetrovsk – «stolyca» banderovtsev na vostoke Ukraynj?’ Kryvorozhskye vedomosty, 9 June 1995; Hryhoriy Ilchenko Hryhorij (head of the regional department of the Brotherhood of OUN-UPA), ‘Nevyznani, ale neskoreni (Do 65-richchya stvorennya viyka UPA),’ Pershotravenskye novosty, 19 October 2007; Serhiy Kopanyev, ‘Nam Ukrayina vyshcha nad use,’ Sicheslavskyy kray, January 23, 1995; Iryna Reva, ‘Pochemu moj dedushka – vrag? Dnepr vechernyj, 29 March 2003; ‘U Dnipropetrovsku proyshly zi smoloskypamy na chest S. Bandery.’ material/chapter/25218304.html; Ultras Dnipra zaspivaly pisnyu professional «papu» Banderu y «katsapa» Putina.’

[20]‘Dniprovskyy istorychnyy klub.’

[21] Nevidomyi holod v Ukraini 1928–1929 rr., ‘Dniprovskyi istorychnyi klub provodyt zasidannia na temu Velykoho teroru u SRSR.’; Ihor Shchupak, ‘Ukrayinski yevrei: velyke yednannya.’; ‘Vidbulos cherhove zasidannia Dniprovskoho istorychnoho klubu.’

[22] Yuliya Ratsybarska, Muzey Holokostu v Dnipropetrovsku ne unykaye skladnykh pytan ukrayinskoi istorii.’; Yuliia Ratsybarska, ‘Muzey Holokostu u Dnipropetrovsku vidviduyut lyudy riznykh natsionalnostey.’; ‘Kontseptsiya ta istoriya stvorennya Muzeyu.’

[23] U tsentri Dnipropetrovska skynuly pamyatnyk Leninu.’; ‘Lenina znesly u Dnipropetrovsku, Poltavi ta Chernihovi.’


[25] 9 travnia u Dnipropetrovsku zustrichaiut z «heorhiivskymy» i syno-zhovtymy strichkamy y chervonymy makamy.’; Vadym Ryzkov, ‘9 travnia v Dnipropetrovsku – pid riznymy partiynymy praporamy ta symvolikoyu.’; ‘U Dnipri vidkryly muzey ATO z frahmentamy Donetskoho aeroportu.’

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